NCTQ on States’ Teacher Evaluation Systems’ Failures

The controversial National Council on Teacher Quality (NCTQ) — created by the conservative Thomas B. Fordham Institute and funded (in part) by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation as “part of a coalition for ‘a better orchestrated agenda’ for accountability, choice, and using test scores to drive the evaluation of teachers” (see here; see also other instances of controversy here and here) — recently issued yet another report about state’s teacher evaluation systems titled: “Running in Place: How New Teacher Evaluations Fail to Live Up to Promises.” See a related blog post in Education Week about this report here. See also a related blog post about NCTQ’s prior large-scale (and also slanted) study — “State of the States 2015: Evaluating Teaching, Leading and Learning” — here. Like I did in that post, I summarize this study below.

From the abstract: Authors of this report find that “within the 30 states that [still] require student learning measures to be at least a significant factor in teacher evaluations, state guidance and rules in most states allow teachers to be rated effective even if they receive low scores on the student learning component of the evaluation.” They add in the full report that in many states “a high score on an evaluation’s observation and [other] non-student growth components [can] result in a teacher earning near or at the minimum number of points needed to earn an effective rating. As a result, a low score on the student growth component of the evaluation is sufficient in several states to push a teacher over the minimum number of points needed to earn a summative effective rating. This essentially diminishes any real influence the student growth component has on the summative evaluation rating” (p. 3-4).

The first assumption surrounding the authors’ main tenets they make explicit: that “[u]nfortunately, [the] policy transformation [that began with the publication of the “Widget Effect” report in 2009] has not resulted in drastic alterations in outcomes” (p. 2). This is because, “[in] effect…states have been running in place” (p. 2) and not using teachers’ primarily test-based indicators for high-stakes decision-making. Hence, “evaluation results continue to look much like they did…back in 2009” (p. 2). The authors then, albeit ahistorically, ask, “How could so much effort to change state laws result in so little actual change?” (p. 2). Yet they don’t realize (or care to realize) that this is because we have almost 40 years of evidence that really any type of test-based, educational accountability policies and initiatives have never yield their intended consequences (i.e., increased student achievement on national and international indicators). Rather, the authors argue, that “most states’ evaluation laws fated these systems to status quo results long before” they really had a chance (p. 2).

The authors’ second assumption they imply: that the two most often used teacher evaluation indicators (i.e., the growth or value-added and observational measures) should be highly correlated, which many argue they should be IF in fact they are measuring general teacher effectiveness. But the more fundamental assumption here is that if the student learning (i.e., test based) indicators do not correlate with the observational indicators, the latter MUST be wrong, biased, distorted, and accordingly less trustworthy and the like. They add that “teachers and students are not well served when a teacher is rated effective or higher even though her [sic] students have not made sufficient gains in their learning over the course of a school year” (p. 4). Accordingly, they add that “evaluations should require that a teacher is rated well on both the student growth measures and the professional practice component (e.g., observations, student surveys, etc.) in order to be rated effective” (p. 4). Hence, also in this report the authors put forth recommendations for how states might address this challenge. See these recommendations forthcoming, as also related to a new phenomenon my students and I are studying called artificial inflation.

Artificial inflation is a term I recently coined to represent what is/was happening in Houston, and elsewhere (e.g., Tennessee), when district leaders (e.g., superintendents) mandate or force principals and other teacher effectiveness appraisers or evaluators to align their observational ratings of teachers’ effectiveness with teachers’ value-added scores, with the latter being (sometimes relentlessly) considered the “objective measure” around which all other measures (e.g., subjective observational measures) should revolve, or align. Hence, the push is to conflate the latter “subjective” measure to match the former “objective” measure, even if the process of artificial conflation causes both indicators to become invalid. As per my affidavit from the still ongoing lawsuit in Houston (see here), “[t]o purposefully and systematically endorse the engineering and distortion of the perceptible ‘subjective’ indicator, using the perceptibly ‘objective’ indicator as a keystone of truth and consequence, is more than arbitrary, capricious, and remiss…not to mention in violation of the educational measurement field’s “Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing.”

Nonetheless…

Here is one important figure, taken out of context in some ways on purpose (e.g., as the text surrounding this particular figure is ironically, subjectively used to define what the NCTQ defines as as indicators or progress, or regress).

Near Figure 1 (p. 1) the authors note that “as of January 2017, there has been little evidence of a large-scale reversal of states’ formal evaluation policies. In fact, only four states (Alaska, Mississippi, North Carolina, and Oklahoma) have reversed course on factoring student learning into a teacher’s evaluation rating” (p. 3). While this reversal of four is not illustrated in their accompanying figure, see also a prior post about what other states, beyond just these four states of dishonorable mention, have done to “reverse” the “course” (p. 3) here. While the authors shame all states for minimizing teachers’ test-based ratings before these systems had a chance, as also ignorant to what they cite as “a robust body of research” (without references or citations here, and few elsewhere in a set of footnotes), they add that it remains an unknown as to “why state educational agencies put forth regulations or guidance that would allow teachers to be rated effective without meeting their student growth goals” (p. 4). Many of us know that this was often done to counter the unreliable and invalid results often yielded via the “objective” test-based sides of things that the NCTQ continues to advance.

Otherwise, here are also some important descriptive findings:

  • Thirty states require measures of student academic growth to be at least a significant factor within teacher evaluations; another 10 states require some student growth, and 11 states do not require any objective measures of student growth (p. 5).
  • With only [emphasis added] two exceptions, in the 30 states where student
    growth is at least a significant factor in teacher evaluations, state
    rules or guidance effectively allow teachers who have not met student
    growth goals to still receive a summative rating of at least effective (p. 5).
  • In 18 [of these 30] states, state educational agency regulations and/or guidance
    explicitly permit teachers to earn a summative rating of effective even after earning a less-than-effective score on the student learning portion of their evaluations…these regulations meet the letter of the law while still allowing teachers with low ratings on
    student growth measures to be rated effective or higher (p. 5). In Colorado, for example…a teacher can earn a rating of highly effective with a score of just 1 for student growth (which the state classifies as “less than expected”) in conjunction with a top professional practice score (p. 4).
  • Ten states do not specifically address whether a teacher who has not met student growth goals may be rated as effective or higher. These states neither specifically allow nor specifically disallow such a scenario, but by failing to provide guidance to prevent such an occurrence, they enable it to exist (p. 6).
  • Only two of the 30 states (Indiana and Kentucky) make it impossible for a teacher who has not been found effective at increasing student learning to receive a summative rating of effective (p. 6).

Finally, here are some of their important recommendations, as related to all of the above, and to create more meaningful teacher evaluation systems. So they argue, states should:

  • Establish policies that preclude teachers from earning a label of effective if they are found ineffective at increasing student learning (p. 12).
  • Track the results of discrete components within evaluation systems, both statewide and districtwide. In districts where student growth measures and observation measures are significantly out of alignment, states should reevaluate their systems and/or offer districts technical assistance (p. 12). ][That is, states should possibly promote artificial inflation as we have observed elsewhere. The authors add that] to ensure that evaluation ratings better reflect teacher performance, states should [more specifically] track the results of each evaluation measure to pinpoint where misalignment between components, such as between student learning and observation measures, exists. Where major components within an evaluation system are significantly misaligned, states should examine their systems and offer districts technical assistance where needed, whether through observation training or examining student growth models or calculations (p. 12-13). [Tennessee, for example,] publishes this information so that it is transparent and publicly available to guide actions by key stakeholders and point the way to needed reforms (p. 13).

See also state-by-state reports in the appendices of the full report, in case your state was one of the state’s that responded or, rather, “recognized the factual accuracy of this analysis.”

Citation: Walsh, K., Joseph, N., Lakis, K., & Lubell, S. (2017). Running in place: How new teacher evaluations fail to live up to promises. Washington DC: National Council on Teacher Quality (NCTQ). Retrieved from http://www.nctq.org/dmsView/Final_Evaluation_Paper

Last Saturday Night Live’s VAM-Related Skit

For those of you who may have missed it last Saturday, Melissa McCarthy portrayed Sean Spicer — President Trump’s new White House Press Secretary and Communications Director — in one of the funniest of a very funny set of skits recently released on Saturday Night Live. You can watch the full video, compliments of YouTube, here:

In one of the sections of the skit, though, “Spicer” introduces “Betsy DeVos” — portrayed by Kate McKinnon and also just today confirmed as President Trump’s Secretary of Education — to answer some very simple questions about today’s public schools which she, well, very simply could not answer. See this section of the clip starting at about 6:00 (of the above 8:00 minute total skit).

In short, “the man” reporter asks “DeVos” how she values “growth versus proficiency in [sic] measuring progress in students.” Literally at a loss of words, “DeVos” responds that she really doesn’t “know anything about school.” She rambles on, until “Spicer” pushes her off of the stage 40-or-so seconds later.

Humor set aside, this was the one question Saturday Night Live writers wrote into this skit, which reminds us that what we know more generally as the purpose of VAMs is still alive and well in our educational rhetoric as well as popular culture. As background, this question apparently came from Minnesota Sen. Al Franken’s prior, albeit similar question during DeVos’s confirmation hearing.

Notwithstanding, Steve Snyder – the editorial director of The 74 — an (allegedly) non-partisan, honest, and fact-based backed by Editor-in-Chief Campbell Brown (see prior posts about this news site here and here) — took the opportunity to write a “featured” piece about this section of the script (see here). The purpose of the piece was, as the title illustrates, to help us “understand” the skit, as well as it’s important meaning for all of “us.”

Snyder notes that Saturday Night Live writers, with their humor, might have consequently (and perhaps mistakenly) “made their viewers just a little more knowledgeable about how their child’s school works,” or rather should work, as “[g]rowth vs. proficiency is a key concept in the world of education research.” Thereafter, Snyder falsely asserts that more than 2/3rds of educational researchers agree that VAMs are a good way to measure school quality. If you visit the actual statistic cited in this piece, however, as “non-partison, honest, and fact-based” that it is supposed to be, you would find (here) that this 2/3rds consists of 57% of responding American Education Finance Association (AEFA) members, and AEFA members alone, who are certainly not representative of “educational researchers” as claimed.

Regardless, Snyder asks: “Why are researchers…so in favor of [these] growth measures?” Because this disciplinary subset does not represent educational researchers writ large, but only a subset, Snyder.

As it is with politics today, many educational researchers who define themselves as aligned with the disciplines of educational finance or educational econometricians are substantively more in favor of VAMs than those who align more with the more general disciplines of educational research and educational measurement, methods, and statistics, in general. While this is somewhat of a sweeping generalization, which is not wise as I also argue and also acknowledge in this piece, there is certainly more to be said here about the validity of the inferences drawn here, and (too) often driven via the “media” like The 74.

The bottom line is to question and critically consume everything, and everyone who feels qualified to write about particular things without enough expertise in most everything, including in this case good and professional journalism, this area of educational research, and what it means to make valid inferences and then responsibly share them out with the public.

States’ Teacher Evaluation Systems Now “All over the Map”

We are now just one year past the federal passage of the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA), within which it is written that states must no longer set up teacher-evaluation systems based in significant part on their students’ test scores. As per a recent article written in Education Week, accordingly, most states are still tinkering with their teacher evaluation systems—particularly regarding the student growth or value-added measures (VAMs) that were also formerly required to help states assesses teachers’ purported impacts on students’ test scores over time.

“States now have a newfound flexibility to adjust their evaluation systems—and in doing so, they’re all over the map.” Likewise, though, “[a] number of states…have been moving away from [said] student growth [and value-added] measures in [teacher] evaluations,” said a friend, colleague, co-editor, and occasional writer on this blog (see, for example, here and here) Kimberly Kappler Hewitt (University of North Carolina at Greensboro).  She added that this is occurring “whether [this] means postponing [such measures’] inclusion, reducing their percentage in the evaluation breakdown, or eliminating those measures altogether.”

While states like Alabama, Iowa, and Ohio seem to still be moving forward with the attachment of students’ test scores to their teachers, other states seem to be going “back and forth” or putting a halt to all of this altogether (e.g, California). Alaska cut back the weight of the measure, while New Jersey tripled the weight to count for 30% of a teacher’s evaluation score, and then introduced a bill to reduce it back to 0%. In New York teacher are to still receive a test-based evaluation score, but it is not to be tied to consequences and completely revamped by 2019. In Alabama a bill that would have tied 25% of a teacher’s evaluation to his/her students’ ACT and ACT Aspire college-readiness tests has yet to see the light of day. In North Carolina state leaders re-framed the use(s) of such measures to be more for improvement tool (e.g., for professional development), but not “a hammer” to be used against schools or teachers. The same thing is happening in Oklahoma, although this state is not specifically mentioned in this piece.

While some might see all of this as good news — or rather better news than what we have seen for nearly the last decade during which states, state departments of education, and practitioners have been grappling with and trying to make sense of student growth measures and VAMs — others are still (and likely forever will be) holding onto what now seems to be some of the now unclenched promises attached to such stronger accountability measures.

Namely in this article, Daniel Weisberg of The New Teacher Project (TNTP) and author of the now famous “Widget Effect” report — about “Our National Failure to Acknowledge and Act on Differences in Teacher Effectiveness” that helped to “inspire” the last near-decade of these policy-based reforms — “doesn’t see states backing away” from using these measures given ESSA’s new flexibility. We “haven’t seen the clock turn back to 2009, and I don’t think [we]’re going to see that.”

Citation: Will, M. (2017). States are all over the map when it comes to how they’re looking to approach teacher-evaluation systems under ESSA. Education Week. Retrieved from http://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2017/01/04/assessing-quality-of-teaching-staff-still-complex.html?intc=EW-QC17-TOC&_ga=1.138540723.1051944855.1481128421

The Elephant in the Room – Fairness

While VAMs have many issues pertaining, fundamentally, to their levels of reliability, validity, and bias, they are wholeheartedly unfair. This is one thing that is so very important but so rarely discussed when those external to VAM-based metrics and metrics use are debating, mainly the benefits of VAMs.

Issues of “fairness” arise when a test, or more likely its summative (i.e., summary and sometimes consequential) and formative (i.e., informative) uses, impact some more than others in unfair yet often important ways. In terms of VAMs, the main issue here is that VAM-based estimates can be produced for only approximately 30-40% of all teachers across America’s public schools. The other 60-70%, which sometimes includes entire campuses of teachers (e.g., early elementary and high school teachers), cannot altogether be evaluated or “held accountable” using teacher- or individual-level VAM data.

Put differently, what VAM-based data provide, in general, “are incredibly imprecise and inconsistent measures of supposed teacher effectiveness for only a tiny handful [30-40%] of teachers in a given school” (see reference here). But this is often entirely overlooked, not only in the debates surrounding VAM use (and abuse) but also in the discussions surrounding how many taxpayer-derived funds are still being used to support such a (purportedly) reformatory overhaul of America’s public education system. The fact of the matter is that VAMs only directly impact the large minority.

While some states and districts are rushing into adopting “multiple measures” to alleviate at least some of these issues with fairness, what state and district leaders don’t entirely understand is that this, too, is grossly misguided. Should any of these states and districts also tie serious consequences to such output (e.g., merit pay, performance plans, teacher termination, denial of tenure), or rather tie serious consequences to measures of growth derived via any varieties of the “multiple assessment” that can be pulled from increasingly prevalent multiple assessment “menus,” states and districts are also setting themselves for lawsuits…no joke! Starting with the basic psychometrics, and moving onto the (entire) lack of research in support of using more “off-the-shelf” tests to help alleviate issues with fairness, would be the (easy) approach to take in a court of law as, really, doing any of this is entirely wrong.

School-level value-added is also being used to accommodate the issue of “fairness,” just less frequently now than before given the aforementioned “multiple assessment” trends. Regardless, many states and districts also continue to attribute a school-level aggregate score to teachers who do not teach primarily reading/language arts and mathematics, primarily in grades 3-8. That’s right, a majority of teachers receive a value-added score that is based on students whom they do not teach. This also calls for legal recourse, also in that this has been a contested issue within all of the lawsuits in which I’ve thus far been engaged.

Another Study about Bias in Teachers’ Observational Scores

Following-up on two prior posts about potential bias in teachers’ observations (see prior posts here and here), another research study was recently released evidencing, again, that the evaluation ratings derived via observations of teachers in practice are indeed related to (and potentially biased by) teachers’ demographic characteristics. The study also evidenced that teachers representing racial and ethnic minority background might be more likely than others to not only receive lower relatively scores but also be more likely identified for possible dismissal as a result of their relatively lower evaluation scores.

The Regional Educational Laboratory (REL) authored and U.S. Department of Education (Institute of Education Sciences) sponsored study titled “Teacher Demographics and Evaluation: A Descriptive Study in a Large Urban District” can be found here, and a condensed version of the study can be found here. Interestingly, the study was commissioned by district leaders who were already concerned about what they believed to be occurring in this regard, but for which they had no hard evidence… until the completion of this study.

Authors’ key finding follows (as based on three consecutive years of data): Black teachers, teachers age 50 and older, and male teachers were rated below proficient relatively more often than the same district teachers to whom they were compared. More specifically,

  • In all three years the percentage of teachers who were rated below proficient was higher among Black teachers than among White teachers, although the gap was smaller in 2013/14 and 2014/15.
  • In all three years the percentage of teachers with a summative performance rating who were rated below proficient was higher among teachers age 50 and older than among teachers younger than age 50.
  • In all three years the difference in the percentage of male and female teachers with a summative performance rating who were rated below proficient was approximately 5 percentage points or less.
  • The percentage of teachers who improved their rating during all three year-to-year
    comparisons did not vary by race/ethnicity, age, or gender.

This is certainly something to (still) keep in consideration, especially when teachers are rewarded (e.g., via merit pay) or penalized (e.g., vie performance improvement plans or plans for dismissal). Basing these or other high-stakes decisions on not only subjective but also likely biased observational data (see, again, other studies evidencing that this is happening here and here), is not only unwise, it’s also possibly prejudiced.

While study authors note that their findings do not necessarily “explain why the
patterns exist or to what they may be attributed,” and that there is a “need
for further research on the potential causes of the gaps identified, as well as strategies for
ameliorating them,” for starters and at minimum, those conducting these observations literally across the country must be made aware.

Citation: Bailey, J., Bocala, C., Shakman, K., & Zweig, J. (2016). Teacher demographics and evaluation: A descriptive study in a large urban district. Washington DC: U.S. Department of Education. Retrieved from http://ies.ed.gov/ncee/edlabs/regions/northeast/pdf/REL_2017189.pdf

Miami-Dade, Florida’s Recent “Symbolic” and “Artificial” Teacher Evaluation Moves

Last spring, Eduardo Porter – writer of the Economic Scene column for The New York Times – wrote an excellent article, from an economics perspective, about that which is happening with our current obsession in educational policy with “Grading Teachers by the Test” (see also my prior post about this article here; although you should give the article a full read; it’s well worth it). In short, though, Porter wrote about what economist’s often refer to as Goodhart’s Law, which states that “when a measure becomes the target, it can no longer be used as the measure.” This occurs given the great (e.g., high-stakes) value (mis)placed on any measure, and the distortion (i.e., in terms of artificial inflation or deflation, depending on the desired direction of the measure) that often-to-always comes about as a result.

Well, it’s happened again, this time in Miami-Dade, Florida, where the Miami-Dade district’s teachers are saying its now “getting harder to get a good evaluation” (see the full article here). Apparently, teachers evaluation scores, from last to this year, are being “dragged down,” primarily given teachers’ students’ performances on tests (as well as tests of subject areas that and students whom they do not teach).

“In the weeks after teacher evaluations for the 2015-16 school year were distributed, Miami-Dade teachers flooded social media with questions and complaints. Teachers reported similar stories of being evaluated based on test scores in subjects they don’t teach and not being able to get a clear explanation from school administrators. In dozens of Facebook posts, they described feeling confused, frustrated and worried. Teachers risk losing their jobs if they get a series of low evaluations, and some stand to gain pay raises and a bonus of up to $10,000 if they get top marks.”

As per the figure also included in this article, see the illustration of how this is occurring below; that is, how it is becoming more difficult for teachers to get “good” overall evaluation scores but also, and more importantly, how it is becoming more common for districts to simply set different cut scores to artificially increase teachers’ overall evaluation scores.

00-00 template_cs5

“Miami-Dade say the problems with the evaluation system have been exacerbated this year as the number of points needed to get the “highly effective” and “effective” ratings has continued to increase. While it took 85 points on a scale of 100 to be rated a highly effective teacher for the 2011-12 school year, for example, it now takes 90.4.”

This, as mentioned prior, is something called “artificial deflation,” whereas the quality of teaching is likely not changing nearly to the extent the data might illustrate it is. Rather, what is happening behind the scenes (e.g., the manipulation of cut scores) is giving the impression that indeed the overall teacher system is in fact becoming better, more rigorous, aligning with policymakers’ “higher standards,” etc).

This is something in the educational policy arena that we also call “symbolic policies,” whereas nothing really instrumental or material is happening, and everything else is a facade, concealing a less pleasant or creditable reality that nothing, in fact, has changed.

Citation: Gurney, K. (2016). Teachers say it’s getting harder to get a good evaluation. The school district disagrees. The Miami Herald. Retrieved from http://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/education/article119791683.html#storylink=cpy

Ohio Rejects Subpar VAM, for Another VAM Arguably Less Subpar?

From a prior post coming from Ohio (see here), you may recall that Ohio state legislators recently introduced a bill to review its state’s value-added model (VAM), especially as it pertains to the state’s use of their VAM (i.e., the Education Value-Added Assessment System (EVAAS); see more information about the use of this model in Ohio here).

As per an article published last week in The Columbus Dispatch, the Ohio Department of Education (ODE) apparently rejected a proposal made by the state’s pro-charter school Ohio Coalition for Quality Education and the state’s largest online charter school, all of whom wanted to add (or replace) this state’s VAM with another, unnamed “Similar Students” measure (which could be the Student Growth Percentiles model discussed prior on this blog, for example, here, here, and here) used in California.

The ODE charged that this measure “would lower expectations for students with different backgrounds, such as those in poverty,” which is not often a common criticism of this model (if I have the model correct), nor is it a common criticism of the model they already have in place. In fact, and again if I have the model correct, these are really the only two models that do not statistically control for potentially biasing factors (e.g., student demographic and other background factors) when calculating teachers’ value-added; hence, their arguments about this model may be in actuality no different than that which they are already doing. Hence, statements like that made by Chris Woolard, senior executive director of the ODE, are false: “At the end of the day, our system right now has high expectations for all students. This (California model) violates that basic principle that we want all students to be able to succeed.”

The models, again if I am correct, are very much the same. While indeed the California measurement might in fact consider “student demographics such as poverty, mobility, disability and limited-English learners,” this model (if I am correct on the model) does not statistically factor these variables out. If anything, the state’s EVAAS system does, even though EVAAS modelers claim they do not do this, by statistically controlling for students’ prior performance, which (unfortunately) has these demographics already built into them. In essence, they are already doing the same thing they now protest.

Indeed, as per a statement made by Ron Adler, president of the Ohio Coalition for Quality Education, not only is it “disappointing that ODE spends so much time denying that poverty and mobility of students impedes their ability to generate academic performance…they [continue to] remain absolutely silent about the state’s broken report card and continually defend their value-added model that offers no transparency and creates wild swings for schools across Ohio” (i.e., the EVAAS system, although in all fairness all VAMs and the SGP yield the “wild swings’ noted). See, for example, here.

What might be worse, though, is that the ODE apparently found that, depending on the variables used in the California model, it produced different results. Guess what! All VAMs, depending on the variables used, produce different results. In fact, using the same data and different VAMs for the same teachers at the same time also produce (in some cases grossly) different results. The bottom line here is if any thinks that any VAM is yielding estimates from which valid or “true” statements can be made are fooling themselves.

New Mexico: Holding Teachers Accountable for Missing More Than 3 Days of Work

One state that seems to still be going strong after the passage of last January’s Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) — via which the federal government removed (or significantly relaxed) its former mandates that all states adopt and use of growth and value-added models (VAMs) to hold their teachers accountable (see here) — is New Mexico.

This should be of no surprise to followers of this blog, especially those who have not only recognized the decline in posts via this blog post ESSA (see a post about this decline here), but also those who have noted that “New Mexico” is the state most often mentioned in said posts post ESSA (see for example here, here, and here).

Well, apparently now (and post  revisions likely caused by the ongoing lawsuit regarding New Mexico’s teacher evaluation system, of which attendance is/was a part; see for example here, here, and here), teachers are to now also be penalized if missing more than three days of work.

As per a recent article in the Santa Fe New Mexican (here), and the title of this article, these new teacher attendance regulations, as to be factored into teachers’ performance evaluations, has clearly caught schools “off guard.”

“The state has said that including attendance in performance reviews helps reduce teacher absences, which saves money for districts and increases students’ learning time.” In fact, effective this calendar year, 5 percent of a teacher’s evaluation is to be made up of teacher attendance. New Mexico Public Education Department spokesman Robert McEntyre clarified that “teachers can miss up to three days of work without being penalized.” He added that “Since attendance was first included in teacher evaluations, it’s estimated that New Mexico schools are collectively saving $3.5 million in costs for substitute teachers and adding 300,000 hours of instructional time back into [their] classrooms.”

“The new guidelines also do not dock teachers for absences covered by the federal Family and Medical Leave Act, or absences because of military duty, jury duty, bereavement, religious leave or professional development programs.” Reported to me only anecdotally (i.e., I could not find evidence of this elsewhere), the new guidelines might also dock teachers for engaging in professional development or overseeing extracurricular events such as debate team performances. If anybody has anything to add on this end, especially as evidence of this, please do comment below.

New Book: Student Growth Measures (SGMs) in Educational Policy and Practice

Many of you might recall that just over two years ago my book titled “Rethinking Value-Added Models in Education: Critical Perspectives on Tests and Assessment-Based Accountability,” was officially released. Another book that I co-edited along with Kimberly Kappler-Hewitt — Assistant Professor at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro — was also just released.

screen-shot-2016-11-12-at-8-15-13-am

For those of you who might be interested, within this new book — “Student Growth Measures in Policy and Practice: Intended and Unintended Consequences of High-Stakes Teacher Evaluations” — we along with 14 total chapter authors representing multiple states across the U.S. (e.g., Henry Braun, Sean Corcoran, Jonathan Eckert, Drew Gitomer, Michael Hansen, Jessica Holloway, Margaret Plecki, Benjamin Superfine) examine “the intersection of policy and practice in the use of student growth measures (SGMs [e.g., value-added models (VAMs)]) for high-stakes purposes as per such educator evaluation systems.” We also examine “educators’ perceptions of and reactions to the use of SGMs; ethical implications pertaining to the use of SGMs; contextual challenges when implementing SGMs; and legal implications of SGM use” pre and post the passage of the Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA).

As we all know, pre and post ESSA, the use of student test score data has been the cornerstone of really the past decade’s transfiguration of teacher evaluation and accountability systems; hence, for those of you who might be interested, this book will hopefully be of “added value” in terms of our collective understandings about SGMs/VAMs use and applications, from policy to practice.

The book is 291 pages, 14 chapters, and it was published by Palgrave Macmillan, United Kingdom, at an (unfortunately high) cost of $94. For more information click here.

New Mexico’s Mountains and Molehills

“A Concerned New Mexico Parent” sent me another blog entry for you all to review. In this post (s)he explains and illustrates another statistical shenanigan the New Mexico Public Education Department (NMPED) recently pulled to promote the state’s value-added approach to reform (see this parent’s prior posts here and here).

(S)he writes:

The New Mexico Public Education Department (NMPED) should be ashamed of themselves.

In their explanation of the state’s NMTEACH teacher evaluation system, cutely titled “NMTEACH 101,” they present a PowerPoint slide that is numbing in it’s deceptiveness.

The entire presentation is available on their public website here (click on “NMTEACH101” under the “Teachers” heading at the top of the website to view the 34-slide presentation in its entirety).

Of particular interest to us, though, is the “proof” NMPED illustrates on slide 11 about the value of their value-added model (VAM) as related to students’ college-readiness. The slide is shown here:

scatterplot

Apparently we, as an unassuming public, are to believe that NMPED has longitudinal data showing how a VAM score from grades 3 through 12 (cor)relates to the percent of New Mexico students attending college at age 20. [This is highly unlikely, now also knowing a bit about this state’s data].

But even if we assume that such an unlikely longitudinal data set exists, we should still be disconcerted by the absolutely minimal effect of “Normalized Teacher Value Added” illustrated on the x-axis. This variable is clearly normalized so that each value represents a standard deviation (SD) with a range from -1.5 SD to + 1.5 SD — which represents a fairly significant range of values. In layman’s terms, this should cover the range from minimally effective to exemplary teachers.

So at first glance, the regression line (or slope) appears impressive. But after a second and more critical glance, we notice that the range of improvement is from roughly 36% to 37.8% — a decidedly and significantly much less impressive result.

In other words, by choosing to present and distort both the x- and y-axes this way, NMPED manages to make a statistical mountain out of what is literally a statistical molehill of change!

Shame on NMPED, again!

See prior posts about New Mexico, for example, here, as also related to the preliminary injunction already granted but also ongoing lawsuit, for example, here.